RESPONSE TO THE PM OF AUSTRALIA ANTHONY ALBANESE REGARDING HIS RECENT STATEMENTS ABOUT THE ROLE OF THE GREEK ORTHODOX CHURCH IN THE CULTURAL AND EDUCATIONAL AFFAIRS OF THE GREEK AUSTRALIAN COMMUNITY (In English and Greek)

During the recent visit of the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew, for the centenary celebrations of the Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of Australia, the Prime Minister stated publicly that “For a century, the Church has preserved the culture and language of Australia’s Greek community, connecting generations to their heritage”.

With all due respect Prime Minister, you got it wrong! It is our communities that have fought for the preservation of Greek language and culture.

As Australians of Greek background who have been actively involved for many decades now, in the affairs of our own community, as well as of the wider Australian society, via community organisations, trade unions, political parties and social movements, we express our disapproval of this historically inaccurate statement.

To state that it was the Greek Orthodox Church that maintained and promoted Greek culture and language in Australia is simply wrong! It ignores the hard work and commitment of numerous community groups and individuals who have worked tirelessly and selflessly to build a new home and a new identity, that draws upon the history and culture of both Greece and Australia.

Greek community organisations existed long before the arrival of the organised church and until that time, and even after that, they served the religious needs of their members. Prime Minister, it was the established Greek Communities of Melbourne, Sydney, Adelaide and others, that in the early to mid-20th century created the schools that taught and continue to teach Greek to thousands of young Greek Australians for over a century.

These same organisations, together with many ordinary working-class Greek Australians during the 70s, lobbied respective state governments to ensure that Greek was taught in the public education system, because apart from a community language it is also an Australian language, thus, making it accessible to all and not just the few.

The Prime Minister should know it was cultural and workers organisations that were established in individual states, that provided cultural activities such as theatre, dances, lectures, concerts, sporting events, as well as social services, to the ever-growing Greek communities of that time.

Dear Prime Minister, it was members and supporters of various Australian political parties, but especially of your party, that during the 50s, 60s and 70s were at the forefront of the struggle to lay the foundations and principles of Australian multiculturalism? It was the secular communities and their activists not the Church, that fought for the establishment of multiculturalism!

In short, Hellenism is broader than Orthodox Christianity, in the same way that Australian culture is broader and more complex than religious denomination.

We acknowledge and respect the spiritual and religious role played by the Greek Orthodox Church, but we do not accept your inaccurate historical reference that it “preserved the culture and language of Australia’s Greek community”. This claim does not accord with the historical reality as lived by Greek-Australian communities.

Prime Minister, please respect the contributions and the legacy of all those community minded ordinary Greek-Australians and Greek migrants, who built today’s community and today’s Australia. It is the Greek community in its broad and secular forms that continues to nourish education, artistic and cultural development that is inclusive and without discrimination based on gender, sexuality or religious/political beliefs.


ΑΠΑΝΤΗΣΗ ΣΤΟΝ ΠΡΩΘΥΠΟΥΡΓΟ ΤΗΣ ΑΥΣΤΡΑΛΙΑΣ ANTHONY ALBANESE ΣΧΕΤΙΚΑ ΜΕ ΤΙΣ ΠΡΟΣΦΑΤΕΣ ΔΗΛΩΣΕΙΣ ΤΟΥ ΓΙΑ ΤHΣΥΜΒΟΛΗ ΤΗΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΗΣ ΟΡΘΟΔΟΞΗΣ ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑΣ ΣΤΑ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΣΤΙΚΑ ΚΑΙ ΕΚΠΑΙΔΕΥΤΙΚΑ ΔΡΩΜΕΝΑ ΤΗΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΟΑΥΣΤΡΑΛΙΑΝΗΣ ΚΟΙΝΟΤΗΤΑΣ

Κατά την πρόσφατη επίσκεψη του Οικουμενικού Πατριάρχη Βαρθολομαίου, για τους εορτασμούς της εκατονταετηρίδας της Ελληνορθόδοξης Αρχιεπισκοπής Αυστραλίας, ο πρωθυπουργός δήλωσε δημόσια στα κοινωνικά μέσα δικτύωσης ότι «Επί έναν αιώνα, η Εκκλησία διατήρησε τον πολιτισμό και τη γλώσσα της ελληνικής κοινότητας της Αυστραλίας, συνδέοντας τις γενιές με την κληρονομιά τους".


Συγγνώμη κύριε πρωθυπουργέ, αλλά κάνετε λάθος! Οι κοινότητές μας είναι αυτές που έχουν αγωνιστεί για τη διατήρηση της ελληνικής γλώσσας και του πολιτισμού.

Ως Αυστραλοί ελληνικής καταγωγής που έχουν εμπλακεί ενεργά για πολλές δεκαετίες τώρα, στα δρώμενα της δικής μας κοινότητας, καθώς και της ευρύτερης αυστραλιανής κοινωνίας, μέσω κοινοτικών οργανώσεων, συνδικάτων, πολιτικών κομμάτων και κοινωνικών κινημάτων, εκφράζουμε την αποδοκιμασία μας για αυτήν την ιστορικά ανακριβή δήλωση.

Το να δηλώνει κανείς ότι η Ελληνική Ορθόδοξη Εκκλησία ήταν αυτή που διατήρησε και προώθησε τον ελληνικό πολιτισμό και γλώσσα στην Αυστραλία είναι απλά λάθος! Αγνοεί τη σκληρή δουλειά και τη δέσμευση πολλών κοινοτικών ομάδων και ατόμων, που εργάστηκαν ακούραστα και ανιδιοτελώς για να χτίσουν ένα νέο σπίτι και μια νέα ταυτότητα, που βασίζεται στην ιστορία και τον πολιτισμό τόσο της Ελλάδας όσο και της Αυστραλίας.

Οι ελληνικές κοινοτικές οργανώσεις υπήρχαν πολύ πριν από την έλευση της οργανωμένης εκκλησίας και μέχρι εκείνη την εποχή, και ακόμη και μετά, εξυπηρετούσαν τις θρησκευτικές ανάγκες των μελών τους. Κύριε πρωθυπουργέ, ήταν οι οργανωμένες Ελληνικές Κοινότητες της Μελβούρνης, του Σίδνεϊ, της Αδελαΐδας και άλλων πόλεων, που στις αρχές έως τα μέσα του 20ού αιώνα, δημιούργησαν τα σχολεία που δίδασκαν και συνεχίζουν να διδάσκουν ελληνικά σε χιλιάδες νέους Ελληνοαυστραλούς για πάνω από έναν αιώνα.

Αυτές οι ίδιες οργανώσεις, μαζί με πολλούς απλούς Ελληνοαυστραλούς της εργατικής τάξης, κατά τη διάρκεια της δεκαετίας του '70, άσκησαν πιέσεις στις αντίστοιχες πολιτειακές κυβερνήσεις για να διασφαλίσουν ότι τα ελληνικά θα διδάσκονταν στο δημόσιο εκπαιδευτικό σύστημα, επειδή εκτός από μια κοινοτική γλώσσα είναι και μια αυστραλιανή γλώσσα, προσβάσιμη σε όλους και όχι μόνο σε λίγους.

Κύριε πρωθυπουργέ θα έπρεπε να γνωρίζετε ότι ήταν οι πολιτιστικές και εργατικές οργανώσεις που ιδρύθηκαν σε επιμέρους πολιτείες, που παρείχαν πολιτιστικές δραστηριότητες όπως θέατρο, χορούς, διαλέξεις, συναυλίες, αθλητικές δραστηριότητες, καθώς και κοινωνικές υπηρεσίες, στις ολοένα μεγεθυνόμενες ελληνικές κοινότητες εκείνης της εποχής.

Χρειάζεται να σας υπενθυμίσουμε κύριε πρωθυπουργέ, ότι ήταν μέλη και υποστηρικτές διαφόρων πολιτικών κομμάτων της Αυστραλίας, αλλά κυρίως του κόμματός σας, που κατά τη διάρκεια των δεκαετιών του '50, του '60 και του '70 ήταν στην πρώτη γραμμή του αγώνα για να τεθούν τα θεμέλια και οι αρχές του πολυπολιτισμού της Αυστραλίας. Ήταν οι κοσμικές κοινότητες και οι ακτιβιστές τους και όχι η εκκλησία, που πάλεψαν για την υιοθέτηση του πολυπολιτισμού!

Με λίγα λόγια, ο Ελληνισμός είναι ευρύτερος από τον Ορθοδοξία, όπως ακριβώς ο αυστραλιανός πολιτισμός είναι ευρύτερος και πιο περίπλοκος από τα θρησκευτικά δόγματα.

Αναγνωρίζουμε και σεβόμαστε τον πνευματικό και θρησκευτικό ρόλο που διαδραματίζει η Ελληνική Ορθόδοξη Εκκλησία, αλλά δεν δεχόμαστε την ανακριβή ιστορική αναφορά σας ότι «διατήρησε τον πολιτισμό και τη γλώσσα της ελληνικής κοινότητας της Αυστραλίας». Αυτός ο ισχυρισμός δεν συνάδει με την ιστορική πραγματικότητα, έτσι όπως τη ζουν διαχρονικά, οι ελληνοαυστραλιανές κοινότητες.

Κύριε πρωθυπουργέ, σεβαστείτε τη συνεισφορά και την κληρονομιά όλων εκείνων των απλών Ελληνοαυστραλών και των Ελλήνων μεταναστών, που έχτισαν τη σημερινή κοινότητα και τη σημερινή Αυστραλία. Είναι η ευρύτερη ελληνική και κοσμική κοινότητα, αυτή που συνεχίζει να συνεισφέρει στην εκπαίδευση, στην καλλιτεχνική και πολιτιστική ανάπτυξη, με όρους συμπεριληπτικότητας, χωρίς διακρίσεις λόγω φύλου, σεξουαλικότητας ή θρησκευτικών και πολιτικών πεποιθήσεων.

Signatories

Tom Alegounarias Sydney
Con Alexandra's Adelaide
Arthur Anagnostou Adelaide
Penny Anagnostou Adelaide
Mary Anthony Sydney
Petro Alexiou Sydney
Dr Steve Bakalis Melbourne
Vangelis Bogias Adelaide
Sylvia Cassoudakis Adelaide
Maria Chrysanthou Sydney
Dr Con Costa Sydney
John Daviskas Sydney
Elias Diacolabrianos Melbourne
Sophie Diamantis Adelaide
Yannis Dramitinos Sydney
Manos Foundoulis Sydney
Angelo Gavrielatos Sydney
Andrew Gavrielatos Sydney
Krys Georgiadis Melbourne
John Georgiou Melbourne
Eleni Glaros Adelaide
Anastasia Hatzis Melbourne
Athanasia Hatzis Melbourne
Eleni Hatzis Melbourne
Hellen Hatzis Melbourne
Nikolas Hatzis Melbourne
Savvas Kallimachos Grigoropoulos Melbourne
Alyson Kakakios Sydney
Michael Kakakios Sydney
Michael Kakogiannis Melbourne
Xenofon Kakogiannis Melbourne
Phillip Kalogeras Adelaide
Georgia Katsifara Kolokitha Melbourne
Costas Kazantzis Melbourne
Helen Kazantzis Melbourne
Panos Kalathas Melbourne
Athena Karamarkos Melbourne
Kostas Karamarkos Melbourne
Marrietta Kokkas Melbourne
George Koletsis Melbourne
Siobhan Koletsis Melbourne
Anthia Kollaras Sydney
Matoyla Kollaras Sydney
Eleni Eleftherias Kostakidis Sydney
Kaliopi Kotis Sydney
Michael Kotis Sydney
Stanley Koulouris Sydney
Joanne Kyrkilis Melbourne
Alexander Ladopoulos Sydney
Dimitra Lagoudaki Melbourne
John Lesses Adelaide
Eleni Maltezou Melbourne
Effie Maltezos Melbourne
Costas Markos Melbourne
Theo Markos Melbourne
Alex Missiris Sydney
Benny Mitropoulos Melbourne
Kostas Mitropoulos Melbourne
Kostas Mytilinis Sydney
Leonidas Naoumis Brisbane
Dr Toula Nicolacopoulos Melbourne
Agapi Pashos Melbourne
Dimitris Paikopoulos Melbourne
Kostas Papanikitas Sydney
Nick Papanikitas Sydney
Δρ George Paxinos Σύδνεϋ
Shirley Peshos Sydney
Niki Pezaros Melbourne
Nondas Pezaros Melbourne
Phil Peladarinos Melbourne
Evangelos Plokamakis Melbourne
P.O. Melbourne
Helen Portellos Adelaide
Nikos Portellos Adelaide
Kyriacos Ppiros Adelaide
Panagiotis Ppiros Adelaide
Stavroula Ppiros Adelaide
Lamprine Rantas Adelaide
Adam Rorris Sydney
Arthur Rorris Sydney
Stan Salagaras Adelaide
Dimitra Sarelas Sydney
Peter Sarelas Sydney
Jeanette Sdrinis Melbourne
Kathy Sdrinis Melbourne
Athena Sergianis Melbourne
Effie Sfrantzis Melbourne
Constantine Spiropoulos Sydney
Efthalia Tsiangos Scheidle Melbourne
Jim Skazas Melbourne
Nikos Soulakis Melbourne
Jorge Sotirios Sydney
Ellie Speis Adelaide
Eleni Stamenitis Melbourne
Sotiris Stergiopoulos Melbourne
Christine Theodosaki Melbourne
Nick Thliveris Sydney
Sue Persa Thliveris Sydney
Nick Tsaktsiras Melbourne
Dr Michael Tsianikas Adelaide
Dr Kostas Tsingas Melbourne
Con Vaitsas Sydney
Stratos Vakkas Melbourne
Kathy Valassopoulos Melbourne
Alvaro Valenzuela Sydney
Dr Stella Valenzuela Sydney
Dr George Vassilakopoulos Melbourne
Olga Vasilopoulos Melbourne
Jim Vergis Sydney
Vasso Zangalis Melbourne

This statement was send to the Prime Minister of Australia Anthony Albanese MP.

The 110 respondents come from the entire spectrum of democratic politics in Australia, and from all walks of life, academics, professionals, business people, unionists, activists, retired and others. A number of them served for a long period of time on the Boards of the three largest secular Greek Australian organisations, namely the Communities of Melbourne, Sydney and Adelaide.

If you agree with this response, please feel free to forward it to the office of the Prime Minister.

Περί διεθνικών διασπορικών σπουδών (και πάλι, με δόση αυτοκριτικής): ΧΧ βήματα εμπρός και ΖΖ πίσω

Πρόσφατα αφιέρωσα πολύτιμο χρόνο απαντώντας σε εκτενή συνέντευξη και προτρέποντας μέσω αυτής στην ενίσχυση αλλά και ενδυνάμωση των σπουδών διασποράς και μετανάστευσης στην Ελλάδα. Τονίζοντας, παράλληλα, την ανάγκη για υψηλής ποιότητας έρευνα σε διάδραση με νέες θεωρητικές προσεγγίσεις και επεξεργασίες, πιστεύοντας ότι αυτός ο προσανατολισμός, αυτή η εξωστρεφής δηλαδή προσέγγιση, είναι μονόδρομος για τη σημερινή πανεπιστημιακή κοινότητα. Το θεώρησα αυταπόδεικτο, δυστυχώς, αφελώς όπως αποδείχτηκε.

Δεν φανταζόμουν, όπως συνειδητοποίησα περιδιαβαίνοντας κάποιες έρευνες και εντοπίζοντας τους θεσμικούς μηχανισμούς που τις συντηρούν, ότι παράγονται τόσο απλοϊκές και ιστορικά απαίδευτες αναλύσεις, ακόμα και από ερευνητές σημαντικών ερευνητικών κέντρων. Αναλύσεις που παρουσιάζονται σε συνέδρια, δημοσιεύονται σε επετηρίδες, και σε κάποιες περιπτώσεις επιβραβεύονται. Μου ήταν αδιανόητο ότι η παρωχημένη πλέον προσέγγιση της μετανάστευσης με κυρίαρχο ερμηνευτικό άξονα τη σχέση της με Αξίες, εργασιακό ήθος και επιχειρηματικότητα προκρίνεται, ζει και βασιλεύει. Διαβάζοντας ένιωσα την εφιαλτική διάσταση της ανιστόρητης ιδεολογίας διαφόρων στρωμάτων της ελληνοαμερικανικής μεσαίας τάξης να νομιμοποιείται σε πανεπιστημιακή γραφή.

Σε αυτές τις εργασίες αποσιωπάται ο κυρίαρχος ρόλος του ελληνικού και αμερικανικού καπιταλισμού στη διαμόρφωση και εμπειρία της μετανάστευσης, απουσιάζει παντελώς κάθε έννοια λευκότητας ως σχέση εξουσίας και ως ιδεολογική διάσταση -άμεσα συσχετισμένη με την αποδοχή και την οικονομική κινητικότητα-, εξαλείφεται ο ρόλος του ηγεμονικού αμερικανικού πολυπολιτισμού να ελέγχει διασπορικές εκφράσεις και αφηγήματα, διαγράφονται και λειαίνονται η πατριαρχία και οι σχέσεις που διαμορφώνει το φύλο. Μαζί με όλα αυτά ρίχνεται στον κάλαθο των αχρήστων και όλη η επίπονη έρευνα που πραγματοποιήθηκε τα τελευταία τουλάχιστον σαράντα χρόνια ώστε να ιστορικοποιηθεί η διασπορά και να απεγκλωβιστούν οι σχετικές σπουδές της διασποράς και της μετανάστευσης από έναν προηγούμενο επιστημονικό μεσαίωνα.

Σε εκείνη την περίπτωση, λοιπόν, ενδυνάμωσης αυτών των σπουδών, η ανιστόρητη προσέγγιση θα διεκδικήσει χώρους, πόρους και κυρίαρχη θέση σε δίκτυα. Τα εγκώμια της επιχειρηματικότητας, οι έπαινοι στο ψυχικό σθένος, η αποθέωση της εθνικής (και εθνοτικής) υπερηφάνειας και της μυθολογίας της θα βρουν εύφορο έδαφος σε όσους επιθυμούν να μειώσουν την σημασία της κοινωνιολογικής σκέψης, να υποσκάψουν την κριτική ιστοριογραφία, να πολεμήσουν τη θεωρία καθώς και τις πολιτισμικές σπουδές, προωθώντας τελικά την νεοφιλελεύθερη ιδεολογία.

Κάπως έτσι λοιπόν διαμορφώνεται το πεδίο της μελέτης των ελληνικών διεθνικών διασπορών και το βαθιά πολιτικό ζήτημα τίθεται σε όλους τους εμπλεκόμενους σε κοινή θέα.

Γιώργος Αναγνώστου

Ελληνικός κινηματογράφος και κριτική συνείδηση, εγχώρια και παγκόσμια (μέσα και έξω)

Παρακολουθήσαμε πρόσφατα με τους φοιτητές μου την ταινία «Ράφτης», την οποία η τάξη προσέλαβε ιδιαίτερα επαινετικά. Χάρηκα ιδιαίτερα που αρκετοί εκτίμησαν τον μαγνητικά αργό ρυθμό της, κάτι που ομολογουμένως δεν περίμενα σε μια κοινωνία που καλλιεργεί διαφορετική σχέση με τον πραγματικό και κινηματογραφικό χρόνο. Κάποιοι δε αναγνώρισαν (και εκτίμησαν) το εμπορικό ρίσκο που με αυτόν τον τρόπο παίρνει η σκηνοθέτρια στα πλαίσια της Αμερικανικής αγοράς. Στο αισθητικό πλαίσιο, θαυμάσαμε την βιρτουόζο οπτική της κάμερας και εντοπίσαμε την δομική συμμετρία μιας σειράς εικόνων, ιδιαίτερα στο άνοιγμα της ιστορίας. Υπήρξε μεγάλο ενδιαφέρον για το θέμα «επανεφεύρεση του εαυτού», το κυρίως ερώτημα που θέτει ο Ραφτης, και την δραστικότητα της αφηγηματικής δραματοποίησής του. Μία φοιτήτρια δε εξέφρασε την επιθυμία να συμπεριλαμβανόταν μια λεπτομερής παρουσίαση της μύησης του αντρικού χαρακτήρα στην ερωτική συνεύρεση.

Σε μια κουλτούρα που είθισται να ερμηνεύει την προσαρμογή σε καταστάσεις κρίσης και την οικονομική ανέλιξη με όρους ατομικής πρωτοβουλίας––επιχειρηματικότητα, άρπαγμα ευκαιριών, ρίσκο, επιμονή, υπομονή, και το πρόσφατο σουξέ «σθένος» (resilience)––δεν αποτέλεσε έκπληξη ότι η ταινία προσλήφθηκε, αναγνωρίστηκε στην μετάφραση αν θέλετε, ακριβώς σε αυτά τα πλαίσια.

 
Αυτή η πρόσληψη φανερώνει πόσο τρωτή είναι η ταινία στην οικειοποίησή της από την φιλελεύθερη ιδεολογία. Αναλογιζόμενος την υποδοχή της στην Γερμανία για παράδειγμα (δεν έχω διαβάσει τις ανάλογες κριτικές) φαντάστηκα κάποιους να την επαινούν, να λένε και δασκαλίστικα να κουνάνε το δάχτυλο τους, «κοίτα πώς η κρίση δραστηριοποιεί τους Έλληνες, πώς τους προωθεί προς την καινοτομία, πώς τους αναγκάζει να ξεφεύγουν από τις παραδοσιακές δομές, πώς η ζωή τους μετατρέπεται σε μια επιχειρηματική και προσωπική περιπέτεια». Open-ended ναι, αλλά επανεκκίνηση, συνεχής κίνηση προς εύρεση ευκαιριών, «άδειες επιτέλους να είναι οι καρέκλες από την ραστώνη του καφενείου και του καλοκαιριού»…

Ή, σε ιδεολογικά συγγενικά πλαίσια, κάποιους Αμερικανούς να επικροτούν τον αντρικό ήρωα για την ατομική προσπάθεια, την τόλμη που επιδεικνύει. Να συναινούν στην κουλτούρας της νέας αρχής από την οπτική, «κοίτα πώς η προσωπική πρωτοβουλία πυροδοτεί την αλλαγή, πώς ανοίγει το άτομο προς τις ευκαιρίες, την προοπτική της κινητικότητας και επιτυχίας (την διαβόητη συντηρητική ιδεολογία του bootstraps)». Αυτή ήτανε μέγιστα η ερμηνευτική πρόσληψη της ταινίας από τους φοιτητές.

Αναπόφευκτα λοιπόν η κριτική σκέψη οδηγείται προς την δημόσια παρουσίαση και πρόσληψη της ταινίας, πώς θα στηνόταν η τρικλοποδιά στην νεοφιλελεύθερη ανάγνωση, πώς θα εξουδετερωνόταν η παγίδα της.

 
Δεν το έχω σκεφτεί συστηματικά, αλλά σκεφτόμουν αν σε δημόσιες παρουσιάσεις και κριτικές να αναγνωριζόταν ρητά η πιθανότητα νεοφιλελεύθερης ερμηνείας και να ανατρεπόταν επί τόπου. Διότι ο φιλελευθερισμός ακυρώνει τις πολιτικές και οικονομικές συνθήκες που δημιουργούν ταξικές και φυλετικές ιεραρχίες, παραβλέπει την υλική και συμβολική βία του να καταστρέφει ή να φρενάρει ανθρώπινες ζωές· να τραυματίζει και να κατασπαράσσει. Για αυτό και πρέπει να πολεμηθεί.

 
Να τονιζόταν, για παράδειγμα, ότι ο ράφτης ήρωας (Νίκος) δεν είναι ο οποιοσδήποτε τυχόν εργαζόμενος στην αγορά εργασίας. Υπάρχει μια ιδιαιτερότητα στο γεγονός ότι στην εργασία και τέχνη του κατέχει ένα καίριο πατροπαράδοτό πολιτισμικό κεφάλαιο (cultural capital), είναι αυτή η κληρονομιά γνώσεων και επιδεξιοτήτων που του προσφέρει την ευκαιρία για κάποιες καλές πιθανότητες στην δεύτερη ζαριά. Κάτι που δεν θα το κατείχε κάποιος άλλος εργαζόμενος, ένας υπάλληλος σε σούπερ μάρκετ ας πούμε, όπου τα περιθώρια για επανεφεύρεση στην οικονομία της κρίσης θα ήταν ασφυκτικά στενά. Οι δεύτερες ευκαιρίες συνδέονται με των οικογενειών τις ταξικές και κοινωνικές ιστορίες και αυτό οφείλεται να ονομαστεί. Δεν ξεκινάει ο κεντρικός χαρακτήρας στον «Ράφτη» από το μηδέν…

 
Ακόμη, η ιστορία δεν σχετίζεται με το αγωνιζόμενο άτομο και μόνο (τον Νίκο) αλλά και τα αλληλοβοηθητικά κοινωνικά δίκτια που αυτός ο χαρακτήρας εμπλέκεται, έστω και στην μινιμαλιστική κλίμακα των δυο. Η συνέργεια της κεντρικής ηρωίδας (Όλγας) μέσω των δεξιοτεχνιών και γνώσεών της (γυναικεία μόδα και προτιμήσεις) είναι καταλυτική στην επανεφεύρεση του ράφτη (και ως επαγγελματία αλλά και ως άντρα βοηθούντος του μπολιάσματος του έρωτά της––κάτι που του τόνωσε, αν όχι δημιούργησε, αυτοπεποίθηση).

Δεν πρόκειται λοιπόν εδώ για ατομοκεντρική αλλά κοινωνικά διαμεσολαβημένη επιτυχία. Η συνέργεια του Νίκου και της Όλγας δημιουργήθηκε από τυχαίες συνθήκες (ήταν γείτονες και η Όλγα έτυχε να είναι διαθέσιμη), δεν σημαίνει ότι αυτού του είδους οι πηγές υποστήριξης είναι διαθέσιμες σε όλους όσους παλεύουν να σταθούν στα πόδια τους…

Το γεγονός δε ότι ο ράφτης ανοίγεται στο άγνωστο με φορτίο τα νέα του γνωσιολογικά εφόδια (το δεύτερο πολιτισμικό του κεφάλαιο αποκτημένο χάρη στην ηρωίδα), δεν σημαίνει ότι είναι σε θέση να το πράξει και η Όλγα που έχει να διαπραγματευτεί τα όρια που της επιβάλλει ο θεσμός της οικογένειας. Τίθεται επομένως και η έμφυλη διάσταση. Μια νέα φλόγα ναι, κινεί τώρα την Όλγα και μεταφέρεται στο κορίτσι της, αλλά πώς θα αντιδράσει ο άντρας της ο πολλά βαρύς;

Πεπειραμένοι κριτικοί κινηματογράφου θα εντόπιζαν είμαι βέβαιος και άλλο οπλοστάσιο εναντίον της νεοφιλελεύθερης οικειοποίησης της ταινίας, αν και οι λίγες, ομολογουμένως, κριτικές που έχω διάβασα δεν είδα να θέτουν τα παραπάνω ερωτήματα.

Όλα τα παραπάνω κατευθύνουν την σκέψη μου στα πλαίσια της παγκοσμιοποίησης του Ελληνικού κινηματογράφου. Ο Ράφτης έχει αναγνωρισθεί και τιμηθεί πολλαπλώς σε διεθνή φεστιβάλ. Και μπράβο του.

 
Την ίδια στιγμή η παγκόσμια εμβέλειά του προσφέρει ένα παράδειγμα στο άμεσο μέλλον σχετικά με τον ρόλο των κινηματογραφιστών και συνάμα κριτικών στην πλαισίωση των ελληνικών ταινιών παγκόσμια.

Στο «δικό μου τετράδιο», η επιτυχία κάποιας ταινίας στο παγκόσμιο στερέωμα που βασίζεται στην συναίνεση σε ανιστόρητες ιδεολογίες αποτελεί δραματική οπισθοχώρηση του προοδευτικού κινηματογράφου (και συνεπώς Λόγου), όχι αφορμή για θριαμβολογία και εθνικής/διασπορικής υπερηφάνειας.

 
Οι κινηματογραφιστές λοιπόν που τάσσονται υπέρ μιας τέχνης που είναι κριτικά υπεύθυνη στα κοινωνικά προβλήματα οφείλουν να κάνουν το κοινωνιολογικό και πολιτικό τους homework. Δεν χωράει «αθωότητα» εδώ. Ταυτόχρονα, σε αυτήν την συγκυρία ιδιαίτερα, οι κριτικοί είναι σε θέση να συμβάλλουν τα μέγιστα, είτε ως σύμβουλοι σε κινηματογραφικά σενάρια είτε ονομάζοντας τι παίζεται ιδεολογικά κάθε στιγμή που τα φώτα σβήνουν και η οθόνη θέτει σε κίνηση τις διαδρομές του ακροατηρίου προς (ιδεολογικές) φαντασιώσεις και κοινωνικές ερμηνείες. Ο κριτικός δημόσιος λόγος να φωτίζει αυτές τις διεργασίες μαχητικά, μεσολαβώντας στην εγχώρια αλλά και παγκόσμια πρόσληψη του ελληνικού κινηματογράφου, μια διαδικασία που ανοίγει ακόμη ένα πεδίο διεθνικής κυκλοφορίας της κριτικής μας σκέψης.

Γιώργος Αναγνώστου

Επικήδειος για τον Τάσο Αναγνώστου (1956-2024)

 

Θεωρούσα ότι το γνώριζα αλλά δεν ήμουν σε θέση να μετρήσω το βάρος και την βαθύτητά του. Από την θέση ενός μετανάστη αδερφού που οι συνθήκες τον ανάγκασαν να είναι για πολλά χρόνια παρών μόνο από μακριά (υπήρξε και η επί δεκαετίας συνεχής απουσία μου εκείνη τη μοιραία δεκαετία [1987-1997]): Αν φωτίζουν κάτι οι φόροι τιμής που διαβάζω και που του αποδίδονται από ανθρώπους που τον εκτίμησαν είναι ότι φωτίζουν πόσο άγνωστοι σε εμάς τελικά από την διασπορά είναι οι οικείοι μας και πόσο άγνωστοι, φαντάζομαι, είμαστε εμείς της διασποράς για αυτούς. Ο διασκορπισμός που επιφέρει η απομάκρυνση συνδέεται παράλληλα και με τον διασκορπισμό των ιστοριών μας. Πολλές φορές πολλές από αυτές τις παίρνει ο άνεμος και έτσι λιώνουν κι αυτές την στιγμή που σβήνουν οι άνθρωποι μας. Θαμμένοι αυτοί, σιωπηλές και αυτές κάτω από το χώμα οι σωροί οικογενειακών ιστοριών.

Υπάρχουν βέβαια και οι συναντήσεις, οι κάποιες εξομολογήσεις, τα σχόλια, αναμνήσεις, οι πολύτιμες στιγμές (μερικής) αναγνώρισης, τα σχέδια για το μέλλον, «το άλλο καλοκαίρι θα…». Οι συντμήσεις που ο φακός της οικογενειακής μνήμης προσδίδει νόημα. Με αυτά τα θραύσματα λοιπόν θα πορεύομαι, αλλά θα παίρνω δύναμη να προχωρώ και με κάτι παραπάνω. Δυο στάσεις ζωής που με ενέπνευσε και θα συνεχίσουν να με συνοδεύουν, φυλαχτά ηθικής & πολιτικής (κάτι που αποτυπώθηκε σε αρκετά από τα σχόλια που είδα).

• Την αποκτημένη αλήθεια με κόπο, θαρραλέα να την λες. Κι ας γνωρίζεις θα πληθαίνουν οι εχθροί, κι αν ακόμη η έλλειψη ισχύος θα σε καθιστά μέρα με την μέρα όλο και πιο ευάλωτο. Την ιδιοτελή αλήθεια των ισχυρών να πολεμάς, να μην τους επιτρέπεις την τελευταία λέξη. Ακόμα και από το καμαράκι σου εσύ όταν θριαμβολογούν αυτοί με φόντο το Αιγαίο και βίλλες εξαγορασμένες με χειροφιλήματα στην εξουσία …

• Τους νέους να τους υποστηρίζεις γενναιόδωρα, να αγαπάς το έργο τους ακόμη πιο πολύ κι από το δικό σου. Γιατί αυτοί είναι που θα προχωρήσουν την συζήτηση, θα πάνε πέρα από εσένα αλλά και εσύ μέρος της ιστορίας τους θα είσαι. Και όταν με το καλό βγουν στην αγορά εσύ να είσαι ο καλοπροαίρετος και αυστηρός κριτής γιατί είναι ο τρόπος για το καλό τους να συμβάλλεις. Αν έχουν αυτογνωσία και ελεγχόμενο εγωισμό ελπίζει κανείς δεν θα στραφούν εναντίον σου. Και αν έτσι κοντόφθαλμοι αποδειχτούν, ποτέ μην μετανιώσεις για την φροντίδα που επέδειξες, όπως όφειλες.

Αυτή είναι η παρακαταθήκη του, αυτό είναι το πιο σημαντικό του δώρο που μεταφέρω, αυτή η χαρισμένη κληρονομιά.

Ο Τάσος είχε μια στοίβα δημοσιεύσεών μου στα αριστερά, όπως καθόταν, του γραφείου του. Ένα αρχείο σε δημόσια θέα, ένας χώρος σύντμησης που λέγαμε. Αποτελούσε πηγή υπερηφάνειας, το αντίτιμο μιας σημαντικής απώλειας λόγω της εξόδου μου από την πόλη, της αναχώρησης μου, της μετανάστευσης που έκοψε μαχαίρι την προοπτική μιας αδερφικής επαγγελματικής συνεργασίας. Όταν δημοσίευα λοιπόν στα ελληνικά, κάτι που είχε πυκνώσει τελευταία, η πιο μεγάλη μου χαρά μου ήταν ότι πρόσθετα στην χαρά του. Ένας πολλαπλασιασμός εκπλήρωσης.

Τώρα αυτό έχει κοπεί, έχει διακοπεί, ανεπανόρθωτα.

Ένας τρόπος μνημοσύνης, όταν τυχαίνει και διαβάζετε κάτι δικό μου, σας παρακαλώ, προσπαθήστε να διακρίνετε και την παρουσία του Τάσου όπως τον ξέρατε στο κείμενο. Το ύψος (και ίσως το ύφος του), κάποια ίχνη θα είναι εκεί.

Σε όσους τον τιμήσατε, σας ευχαριστώ εκ βάθους καρδιάς. Προς την Τασία, την ακούραστη σύντροφό του με Ιώβεια υπομονή και απέραντη αγάπη, έχω μόνο λατρεία.

Μοιράζομαι και την τελευταία μας φωτογραφία μαζί, Ιούνιος 2024.

Με αγαπημένους του ανθρώπους, στην αγαπημένη του Θεσσαλονίκη, χώρος λατρείας και μνήμης για την νεανική ελευθερία που τόσο απλόχερα μας πρόσφερε. Η «μαύρη Φορντ».. που μας θύμισε και η Αθηνά.

Ταλαιπωρήθηκε τεράστια ο Τάσος τις τελευταίες δεκαετίες. Μπόρες και καταιγίδες αλλεπάλληλες. Οι συμφορές εγγραφήκαν στο σώμα του, στην ψυχή του, στην φωνή του, στο δέρμα του, στα οικονομικά του. Στην περιορισμένη κινητικότητά του… Κι αν τυχόν διακρίνατε πίκρα στα μάτια του, το αξεπέραστο χιούμορ του μόνο ίχνη επέτρεπε να διαφανούν. Όλοι μας βέβαια κάνουμε λάθη. Αλλά υπήρξαν αδικίες, προδοσίες, πισώπλατα χτυπήματα (και τώρα κροκοδείλια δάκρυα). Έχετε δει το βλεμμα του σε εκείνη την φωτογραφία;

Λέων στο ζώδιο, λιοντάρι στην αξιοπρέπεια του και τεράστια εσωτερική δύναμη (που την θαύμαζα). Αν κάποιες στιγμές υπήρχε κάτι αινιγματικό ήταν που κάποια πράγματα δεν τα χωρούσαν οι λέξεις. Αν υπήρχε κάτι δύσκολο, γνώριζα τις αιτίες.

Τα τελευταία χρόνια, μακριά από πολλούς χώρους, απομακρυσμένος από κύκλους, μοναχικός συχνά, και αυτοεξόριστος θα τον πετύχαινες θαμώνα στο στέκι του να σιγοπίνει το αραιωμένο του ποτό, τον αγαπημένο του Άρη να παρακολουθεί, παρηγοριά ταξίδι στα φοιτητικά χρόνια.

Λοιπόν αίρονται οι απαγορεύσεις Τάτσι, ελευθερία κινήσεων που τόσο μα τόσο σου έλλειπε… Το ουϊσκάκι σου τώρα λοιπόν να παραγγέλλεις όπως παλιά το γούσταρες.

Αντίο Τασούλη μου

Οκτώβριος 6, 2024

Modalities of Academic Writing and the Immigrant Scholar

There is the conventional language of social sciences, style and content striving to produce solid descriptions, a linear narrative to illustrate relations, establish causality, anchor conclusions; a piece of writing expected to produce the effect of an objective rendition of a social phenomenon.

There is a mode of theoretical language in the humanities (among several iterations) rich yet dense, illuminating yet sometimes difficult to access, (re)produced by academics with high cultural capital, demanding deep erudition, incredible dedication and toil, the making of foundations that take years to give shape, addressing a community of insiders, not rarely exhausting outsiders striving to grapple with its incredible analytical depths.

There is the language too of scholarship as reflexive narrative, guided by the ethos of translating difficult concepts into a language an educated person could understand. Translating given modalities of writing with the aspiration to assert something freshly. A language in which emotion and knowledge converge to produce flowing accounts crafted to move readers; to evoke complexity, acknowledge limits, identify potentialities.

Other modalities between and beyond abound––the above does not attempt a typology.

I imagine an immigrant junior scholar entering this field, the vast labor demanded, the exhausting navigation of the various writing modalities; the various translations (from one language to another, from one modality of writing to another) required, depending on departmental expectations and mandates. An experience indelibly imprinted in the soul and mind, an embodied companion throughout one’s academic journey.

I think about (and live) the project of making a choice––of aspiring to a particular choice––in the direction of crafting a voice within the structural pressures of limited resources, the realities of the academic market, other institutional demands, one’s politics of knowledge…

I often think of (and have been living through) this kind of an immigrant’s scholarly journey; in relation to the degrees of imported cultural and linguistic capital one embodies, the difference that the resources this person carries will make in negotiating all sorts of academic rites of passage in the new environment; how extraordinarily challenging this journey is, how fulfilling and rewarding, how fundamentally class-inflected this experience could be…

Yiorgos Anagnostou

September 26, 2024

Global Women and Hellenism Conference II

I have been following with great interest the recent Women and Hellenism conference, organized by the Australia-based Food for Thought Network (Ioannina, September 2-6, 2024). Though I wish I were attending in situ, I e-participated from afar, the United States, watching the selective vignettes featured online, in the social media and youtube.

The fact that I was only exposed to fragments from the proceedings disqualifies me from offering a comprehensive analysis of this gathering.

Still, due to the major importance of this initiative I feel compelled to share a few thoughts, necessarily tentative and partial, with the purpose of contributing, to the extent possible, to the public conversation (I anticipate) toward the understanding of this institution and its future directions.

• The conference was an exercise in polyphony, featuring a variety of points of view (voices), some venturing into questions on gender and identity in depth, others remaining on the surface, uttering platitudes. Theoretical sophistication and cliches co-existed.

• Democratic inclusion was a conscious concern of the gathering, creating an inclusive social space. I am interested in the range of this inclusion. Were contemporary working-class women an element in the polyphony and if so was there deliberation on how to address the challenges they face in the workplace as both women and wage laborers? (could working class women afford the trip to Greece and take time off from their work?) Was there a systemic analysis of the predicament of this demographic and how to institute change? [I saw several stories focusing on individual resilience, effort and work ethic in the overcoming class and patriarchal obstacles.] Were there discussions of issues of non-normative sexualities and their experiences in relation to patriarchal diasporic institutions? Were the voices of men who have been allies in women’s cause for empowerment heard? (women’s issues are a broader gender issue; and class among other social categories)

• The conference featured conflicting perspectives ranging from positions on radical feminism, calls for intersectional alliances with vulnerable populations (indigenous women) to nationalist identity narratives, and to claims about Greek exceptionalism among others. I have no sense whether (or to what extent) this produced an interactive and dialogic public sphere. For example, in an instance when a speaker (from a particular diaspora) celebrated democracy as the core of Greek identity, I wonder whether there were voices attesting that this ideal is often blatantly violated in some diasporas when it comes to representing the “community.”

• This brings us to the issue of meaningful and agonistic exchange and deliberation. In one panel I followed with interest there was no time left for the Q&A session. The speakers spoke but their (often important, and sometime radical) views were not subject to polyphonic exchange. How did members of the audience situate themselves in relation to feminism as a polyphonic phenomenon. [we know there are many feminisms.] In this instance there was no deliberation. Did the voice of a speaker advocating radical feminism make a difference on how members of the gathering understood the issue “women and social change,” and how will they be acting toward this goal in practice?

• A major purpose of the conference was to continue (spark, inspire, assert) the struggle for women’s empowerment, a noble investment for the public good. The quest for change organized the conference, an important call given the power of patriarchy to injure women, both emotionally and economically. The real and symbolic violence of patriarchy needs to be confronted in multiple fronts.

• The justifiable call for change makes this gathering a political community in the broadest sense of the term political, that is distribution of power, engagement with public issues such as gender equality. Regarding this all-important call for action, I am not clear whether the participants reflected on strategies and tactics to pursue change. Is it possible for a collective expressing ideologically irreconcilable perspectives to reach a consensus on this issue? The answer is no, which raises the issue of how the question of change is envisioned (and theorized) by this collective.

I understand the great challenge of sustaining a grass-roots collective operating under the conditions I outlined above. There is a host of potentialities and limits. Difficult decisions on how to frame the polyphony in a politically meaningful manner.

What i shared here––observations, thoughts and questions––is what I see as my constructive contribution to this conversation. The leaders of this initiative may wish to consider reflecting and theorizing the social phenomenon they are initiating and the social movement (?) they are keen to mobilizing.

The conference has been universally extolled by enchanted participants, who spoke about the thrill of participating in a collective experience injecting them with exhilarating energy. Even an e-participant could feel the vibe.

But we will benefit enormously, I believe, eventually moving beyond mere praise, and listen to the participants’ public reflections and analysis (their food for thought). In addition, as we anticipate the next iteration of this phenomenon and its future direction, community leaders may wish to consider entering into conversation with highly qualified scholars and activists working on issues of political communities, democratic pluralism, advocacy, and social change––this sort of polyphony is positioned to enrich the understanding of this important initiative for all of us.

Yiorgos Anagnostou

September 15-16, 2024

Academic Positionality (2008-2024) – A Personal Reflection

How come you never wrote a second book? a well-meaning friend asked me the other day. Years ago, I was confronted with the same question in a different context, at a crucial juncture in my professional life––it required convincing faculty otherwise, those interrogating the value of my academic trajectory. I have felt the sting of this question also in dark shades, implying lesser value for my work. Now and for different reasons, my friend’s question calls for an answer I decide to make public, a reflection about almost two decades of post-tenure life in a US public university. I do so to perhaps offer insights about a particular academic experience: operating within a relatively marginal scholarly field and how this positioning might shape the contours of a person asserting presence in the academy and beyond.

***

In 2008, around the time I completed my tenure book, I found myself at a crossroads, confronted by the inevitable question regarding the next step. Conventional academic wisdom was directing me toward a second manuscript, a prospect I was indeed contemplating. As a latecomer in the academy––PhD at the age of forty––I was told to carefully weigh on my career options. Yet certain circumstances were pulling me toward alternative paths, emerging mostly due to developments in Greek/American popular culture and issues confronting Greek American studies (GAS), an academic field to which I have devoted my academic life (2000–ongoing).

Several happenings in popular and academic culture were indeed pressing for notice. Hollywood's My Life in Ruins was released in 2009, adding one more item in my list of films I wanted to write about––the sleeper hit My Big Fat Greek Wedding (MBFGW, 2002) already “begging” for GAS attention. I was also experiencing a strong impulse to reflect on the place of diaspora studies in relation to US modern Greek studies (2010). The ways concepts such as “diaspora” were understood by an earlier generation of GAS researchers needed, I felt, addressing too. It was ripe time to critically engage with GAS canonical scholarship and propose a revisionist angle in Greek American historiography––an interest lasting up to this day. What is more, the initial impact of the “Greek economic crisis” on the homeland-diaspora relations was around the corner.

The idea of taking up “small-scale” projects was alluring, particularly given my exhaustion from having just finished a demanding book, a work produced under immense pressure. This mode of writing would offer a momentary respite, I thought, and “buy time” for my new book idea to ripen. But instead, it turned into a purposeful, long term “nomadic” approach to academic and broadly public writing.

Article-writing was given critical purpose via my cultural studies interest in examining cultural texts and practices (film, documentary, literature, ethic parades, autobiography identity narratives, etc.) as components of broader discourses (nationalism, religion, race, diaspora)––this in the context of power relations. I saw publishing in this mode a strategy to place new Greek American texts drawing national attention in connection to relevant academic conversations, positioning in this manner GAS as an active player in the process. Situating MBFGW in connection to white ethnicity (2012), for example, placed my work in a journal exploring US multiculturalism.

When the Greek economic crisis descended upon us, the role of the diaspora, not only as an agent mobilizing in solidarity with Greece, but also as a site of branding global identity, was impossible to ignore (2021, 2022). Of major importance also was the centenary of the Ludlow Massacre (2014) which generated great interest among scholars, journalists and public intellectuals working on the history of the American working class. I published about the (re)making of Cretan/Greek/American labor organizer Louis Tikas in a documentary produced in Greece (2014) as well as his poetic evocation in David Mason’s verse-novel Ludlow (2016).

Additional anniversaries were pressing for GAS critical presence. The bicentenary of the Greek revolution led to an essay reframing US philhellenism (2022) and a book chapter shifting the focus from the nation to diasporic citizenship (2023). A year later, a strong desire to honor the centenary of the Castle Gate Mine Disaster (2024) resulted in two articles and several newspaper articles in the Greek and diaspora media.

Earlier, a host of issues called for academic contributions: the MTV “Growing Up Greek” controversy (2017), for example, and the urgency to think about public humanities as a venue to explore the position of academics in relation to community discourses (2015). Of interest was the spectacularization of ethnicity and its connection with American sports, which called for examining heritage as commodity (2019). There were grass-roots initiatives to foster Greek American–African American solidarities, and then the Black Lives Matter movement and its implications for Greek America, which called for involvement (2020). Book reviews needed to be written, Helladic representations of the diaspora interrogated, popular representations of Greek American identity discussed, the post-mortem publications of deceased colleagues acknowledged (2015, 2020, 2021, 2022, 2024). Personal motivation directed my experimentation with diaspora poetics in a hybrid form (2021).

Then, emerging conversations about neglected topics such as gender and sexuality (2021) pulled me to their orbit. I connected my writing about the intersection of gender, sexuality and food in the diaspora, the latter yet another gravely under-researched topic (2023). The initiative to place GAS in conversation with other diasporic studies––Italian American for instance––led to a collaboration and a co-edited volume (2022). A memorable experience in Australia resulted in writings about Greek American arts and US multiculturalism (forthcoming) and reflection on Greek Australia (2024). Greece’s strategic plan for the diaspora called for a position paper (2024), and the increasing interest in global Hellenism has generated a project in progress.

As the saying goes, one thing led to another… cascading to a frenetic academic courtship. The ebbs and flows of this route required the navigation of a terrain mostly uncharted for me. One, as you would expect, was writing about emerging and unfolding phenomena in the here and now not in a journalistic but scholarly fashion, a demanding––we all know––practice. Another was negotiating new disciplinary terrains outside “my expertise”––if I ever had any––public humanities, public diplomacy, sociology, life history, film and documentary studies; sexuality and foodways; Italian American studies.

Crossing disciplinary boundaries requires fluid versatility which is not only intellectual demanding––to the point of exhaustion––but also a venue exposing a scholar to vulnerability. The articles were written as interventions but sacrificed the depth that only the manuscript mode can dig. I was fortunate that the writing of the Contours of White Ethnicity had somewhat prepared me for this kind of “nomadic” scholarship. (Out of necessity, often, given the scarcity of research on a wide range of topic I needed to address in order to advance my work.)

The project of multicentered, border-crossing scholarship required an austere regime of reading and writing as well as tons of patience (and pleasures). The embodied memory still dripping from all this experience is the sense of being intellectually dwarfed anytime I entered a new terrain of inquiry and the scholarship animating it. There is also the fact that one does not get a ton of academic fellowships––and the privilege of spacious time for writing that comes with the package––on the virtue of articles alone. I was fortunate to enjoy research leaves granted by my public institution and two precious external Fellowships. Summers offered oases for sustained writing thousands of miles away from the (now demythologized) Ελληνικό καλοκαίρι.

It was nomadic but not directionless, random work. The overall strategy was a series of tactical critical engagements with newly circulated Greek American texts and practices and their placing in relation to broader questions about governmentality, nation-centric appropriations of the diaspora, nationalism from afar, revisionist historiography, public intellectuals, immigrant poetics, cultural hegemony and critique, identity branding, pedagogies of heritage transmission, intersections of GAS with Italian American studies.

The aim was to interrogate essentialized renderings of diaspora identity and explain the harmful political implications of these reductions. Also, to place GAS, demonstrating its value, into broader fields such as US “Mediterranean studies” or the discourse of “white ethnicity.” All along I was operating under the premise that this approach empowers the relevance of GAS in the US academy, a vital value for the institutional future of the field.

These were the potential gains motivating my work though I was well-aware that the absence of a critical mass of cultural-studies scholars in GAS risked the marginalization of this corpus (both in the US and Greece). In bleak moments I sought solace to the idea that I was at least creating a scholarly archive of a historical period––that of diasporized multiculturalism, the increasing authority of grassroots identity narratives, and an ideological investment in undermining their dominance.

This is the critical mode then that turned article-writing into my academic modus operandi. It was a practice performed in parallel with writing blogs and essays for the diaspora and Greek media (The National Herald, Neos Kosmos, TOBHMA, TA NEA, The Books’ Journal, as well as essays and editorials, both in Greek and English, in Ergon: Greek/American & Diaspora Arts and Letters, a labor of love). At the same time, I felt throughout the pull of a “diasporic drive,” to write for Greek audiences (Ο Πολίτης, Marginalia, Σύγχρονα Θέματα, chapters in edited volumes, essays in non-academic journals). [Perhaps it is time for scholars to ask academic credit for multilingual publishing––yet another laborious activity.]

In retrospect, I can now place––with relative certainty––this trajectory of nomadic scholarship in connection to the conditions defining GAS, then and now. Had the field enjoyed a critical mass of practitioners in diverse disciplines, I would have not felt the urgency for this tactical academic nomadism. Far from being a personal whim then, my academic route was a product of specific contingencies in a particular historical moment. [which explain my ongoing preoccupation with the advancement of Greek diaspora studies.]

Was all this worthwhile? There is no single answer to this question. Books, of course, bring more visibility and accolades, more invitations for talks and keynotes, more prospects for prestigious research leaves. Being at the core of the academy’s cultural capital are not disconnected from material gains. Most importantly, for me, they open opportunities for Fellowships granting invaluable time for uninterrupted writing.

Throughout all this I was conscious of the potential gains motivating my work, though I was well-aware that the absence of a critical mass of cultural studies scholars in GAS risks the marginalization of this corpus. Work is being done to expand the intellectual network fostering critical exchange among practitioners in the field.

But in the context of my own commitments and politics, the making of a corpus of writing that spoke to contemporary and emerging phenomena has been a profoundly meaningful experience. It represents the imprinting of systematic interventionist scholarship, a meaningful trade off overall for what was lost and compromised––I try to convince myself as I grapple with what should come next in the shrinking available time in the horizon …

Yiorgos Anagnostou

Acknowledgment: Dedicated with profound appreciation to all the colleagues, civic friends, and beloved friends who sustained me in the carving of my trajectory.

The Inaugural Global Women and Hellenism Conference Commences! Some thoughts

As an author with an interest in women's empowerment, I wish i were able to attend the Global Women and Hellenism conference. I will certainly be watching the proceedings online. On the occasion of the conference's commencement, several issues regarding diaspora women were following me today, powerfully. 

I am sharing for the sake of conversation, as I anticipate listening to the presenters and their framing of issues and personal experiences:

• Diaspora women authors, artists, and researchers (novelists, poetesses, academics). How their writings about issues connect with the concerns of the conference participants.

• Diaspora feminist women and their writings. How their feminisms matter in connection to the conference.

• How does knowledge about the histories, experiences and issues in the various diasporas matter (as explored, say, in Greek Australian and Greek American studies); the enduring gender segregation in diaspora organizations for example.

• Second and third generation working class women; their experiences within and outside middle class parishes.

• Women of alternative sexualities, their experiences within parishes and beyond. Working class and middle class LGBTQ women.

• Women in interracial marriages and their place in the "community."

• The Church and women

• Diaspora women of radical politics vis-a-vis the ethnic "community."

• Writings about the meanings of "Hellenism" in connection to globality, their significance in thinking about the major theme of the conference.

 

• Diaspora Greek women and their relations with Other stigmatized and exploited women.

I would welcome your sharing of the questions and thoughts you are bringing as this historical event commences.

Yiorgos Anagnostou

Some basic thoughts about the practice of book reviewing

In addition to peer reviewing, book reviews are sites of major importance in knowledge production. In their best, they amplify the merits of published work, recognize their contributions and implications, identify blindspots and erroneous assumptions. In this case they require, like serious peer reviewing, considerable investment of labor (and deep knowledge). [there is an ethical dimension here, what is the volume of resources (time and energy) we owe to books requiring years to complete?] 

Unfortunately, book reviews carry little academic capital in the assessment of faculty "productivity", and for this or other reasons it is not rare that they are devalued by the academics themselves.

In the domain I work i also see a reticence for critical engagement with the material under review. As a genre, book reviews are becoming formulaic, almost predictable (a polite way to say boring), cautious not to probe "too deep," praising the merits and adding a few critical comments (often obvious) for "balance." One reason is that critique these days is seen by many authors who receive it as a personal attack and professional affront–with all the implications, we, seasoned in this kind of situations, can imagine.

Another may connect with the politics of knowledge and its material implications, the reluctance to enter into rigorous debate about methodology and interpretation may connect with the concern of displeasing certain powerful academic networks, with the reviewer facing the results (the wrath?) of their discontent. A highly mediated genre is further compromised. [obviously this is much more complex, requiring a broader discussion.]

Instead of welcoming book reviews as venues practicing critical reflection valuable for the profession, bringing attention to one's work, reflecting on its implications, pointing to weaknesses, contributing to reassessment and rethinking (and perhaps leading to a follow up article or book), many refrain from this route. An indispensable component of knowledge production is sacrificed, and we are all the lesser because of this loss.

Yiorgos Anagnostou

August 31, 2024

p.s. The issue is drawing broader attention, see https://snfphi.columbia.edu/events/what-has-become-of-critique-book-reviews-in-greece/?fbclid=IwY2xjawFBgMNleHRuA2FlbQIxMAABHVdU6xdMmLOpB0QxMQFBUP_mg4B7VXA19iKzj5nhqXReUhO-kGxZXJl69Q_aem_c2x05EAw4Y0hAAAGrpnhjQ

Installment II: Engaging Greece’s Strategic Plan for the Diaspora: The Democratic Diaspora Public Sphere and the Diasporic Paradigm

To Whom it May Concern

Re. The Greek Government’s Updated Strategic Plan for the Diaspora

Installment II: Engaging Greece’s Strategic Plan for the Diaspora: The Democratic Diaspora Public Sphere and the Diasporic Paradigm

August 12, 2024

Earlier this summer, the Greek Department of Foreign Affairs made available in its website the government’s updated Strategic Plan (referred from now on as “Plan”), for the purpose of eliciting input from the interested public. The document is exclusively in Greek, and represents, as some commentators have noted, an improved, ambitious programmatic document of goals and policies to cultivate the relations between Greece, the historical homelands, and the various Greek diasporas.

The point of departure for this commentary is the following development: the publication of several responses engaging with the Plan in (a) the Greek and Greek Australian media; (b) an online independent think tank based in Greece; and (c) the Anglophone social media (facebook) (1). Offering critical assessment and fresh insights, this important public intervention––though admittedly small in volume (it is produced by a mere two authors)––leads me to frame this updated Plan in terms of what I call “diaspora public sphere.”

The Public Sphere: Some Definitions

A public sphere consists of cultural fields such as the media, cultural and educational institutions, the arts, citizen groups, and think tanks among other entities in civil society.

In the broadest, normative sense, a public sphere cultivates reasoned argument, debate, deliberation, critique, and exchange of ideas. Seen as an agent toward the realization of democratic ideals, it is inclusive, featuring diverse perspectives and oppositional arguments.

It follows that the diaspora public sphere entails all the aforementioned fields which make diaspora the object of reflection. This is a transnational field. It includes, for example, sites such as academic writings about the diaspora in Greece, the media in Greek Australia, historical societies in Greek Canada, library archival collections and online journals in Greek America.

Although I am not a sociologist of the public sphere, I draw insights from the relevant literature because of its value, I believe, for deliberating on the Plan. (2)

Institutional Players in the Diaspora Public Sphere

The fact that we discuss a governmental plan prompts us to consider the powerful institutional players operating in this sphere.

• A primary stakeholder of course is the Greek state, which has been a historical agent in seeking to regulate the meaning of the diaspora and harness its resources for geopolitical, economic, political and cultural interests.

• Supranational institutions such as the Greek Orthodox Church, which enjoys great power in some diasporas, are also involved. The Plan highlights, in fact privileges, the importance of this institution as an entity whose cohesiveness contributes to diaspora-historical homeland relations.

• The governments of the new home societies (United States, Australia, etc.) also operate in this field as key political agents, although they do not command much attention, if any, in the Plan. Yet their exercise of vast power must be recognized, given their capacity––via policies, laws, and makers of public opinion––to mediate the extent, scope, and mode of diasporic affiliations of citizens within their own territory. Let us not forget that in the majority, diasporic people enjoy the rights and responsibilities of being citizens in their new homes. Therefore, when the Greek state addresses the diaspora, it addresses citizens of other sovereign states.

• Diasporic cultural and educational institutions such as the Greek Orthodox Community of Melbourne & Victoria (Australia), and the Hellenic Heritage Foundation (Canada) among other major stakeholders.

• Also at work are international and transnational cultural institutions such as the Niarchos Foundation which fund educational projects in the diaspora.

It is of interest that the Plan broadly mentions two of those entities, explicitly or implicitly, when it makes references to the Immigrec Virtual Museum (https://immigrec.com/virtual-museum/) funded by the Niarchos Foundation, and the Hellenic Heritage Foundation Greek Archives, connected with the Hellenic Studies Program at York University (https://hhf.ca/the-hhf-greek-canadian-archives/). This represents a modest step foe a state-driven public policy to recognize projects producing knowledge about diaspora history.

Before I develop the issue of cultural production from a diaspora perspective, let me share briefly some thoughts about the public sphere. They will helpfully guide the analysis.

Insights about the Public Sphere

Following Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory, the contemporary public sphere is conceptualized as a series of overlapping fields (the political, the economic [business], the academic, the religious, non-governmental advocacy organizations, journalism, the arts, among others) with each of these fields competing “to impose its particular vision of the social world on society as a whole.”

In this terrain the distribution of power is uneven. Some entities within each field have at their disposal a great deal of resources and cultural capital to promote their vision. Thus, a great mass of commentators, “experts,” intellectuals, consultants, gatekeepers, and academics among other stakeholders may be gravitating (or implicitly coerced) toward promoting hegemonic narratives at the expense of the peripheral versions. In their support they stand to profit––economically, socially, ideologically. Powerful and well-coordinated networks of the “publicity machine” will carry the dominant visions far and wide into the social fabric, blanketing the public sphere while relegating alternatives to the margins.

This poses a grave threat in the effort to achieve the normative ideals of a democratic public sphere: inclusiveness, spaces of intellectual independence for expressing critique and views opposing hegemonic views of the world, proposing alternatives.

Hence the need for powerful institutions which are committed to a better working of the inclusive public sphere. Achieving this ideal requires that the power of the institution put in place binding rules prescribing (and enforcing to the extent possible) inclusivity in the fields shaping the public sphere.

Readers can see the relevance of these ideas in engaging the Plan, namely the role of an institution (or coalitions of institutions) committed in building a diverse diaspora public sphere. This, in a context when, sadly, at least in Greek America, certain hegemonies blatantly violate the principles of the democratic public sphere (as they extol, ironically, the democratic inclusiveness of their home, the United States).

The importance of Institutional Counter-Politics

The awareness that the diaspora public sphere operates within power relations underlines the importance of participating institutions which espouse alternative, non-hegemonic visions. In other words, major reforms cannot be achieved via the input of diaspora citizens, recommendations in websites, assessment reports and reflective essays alone. It is vital for institutions to flex their negotiating muscle, so to speak, and put pressure on the government in promoting diasporic interests.

But what will the principles guiding the diaspora claims in the negotiation be? The interests about the diaspora are multiple and often contradictory, given that their conceptions of Hellenism and diaspora vary, often radically. Who defines them and on what grounds?

The Plan and the Diasporic Paradigm

In the effort to tackle these questions we owe to attend the voice of those sectors of the diaspora who advocate their interests on the basis of historical and cultural *realities*. For some time now, diaspora Greeks, most audibly in Greek Australia, have been calling the Greek state (as well as diasporic organizations allied with government interests) to abandon their paternalistic attitude toward the diaspora. Instead, they demand recognition of each diaspora’s complexity, internal heterogeneity, historical and cultural specificity, cross-cultural negotiations, intercultural cross-fertilizations, syncretism. Their arts, music, scholarship, and journalism narrate these experiences and situations from a diasporic point of view. They ask to be seen as active agents in the production of a variety of Hellenisms––not the reproduction of Helladic Hellenism.

Rendering the alternative Hellenisms visible, leads to a “diasporic paradigm” (3) of identity representations, which counters competing narratives (advocated by the state and a host of diasporic organizations) whose narrow and simplistic representations of the diaspora stifle, and in fact insult, diasporic people. (See, for example, the portrayal of emigrating Greeks as migratory birds, not people forced to exit the country due to political persecution or dire poverty.) The diasporic paradigm seeks to emancipate the diasporic peoples from the regulatory power of those who are reducing them into a cultural caricature.

The diasporic paradigm then offers a non-negotiable starting point for any institution (or alliance of institutions) entering the deliberations seeking to undermine the Helladic assumptions of the Plan, and in doing so reform it.

Though I am not a policy strategist, I have been thinking for some time about the conditions leading to action and policies toward a new diaspora imaginary. (4) I share some thoughts bearing relevance, I believe, to our topic.

Historically, diasporas have been channeling vast financial resources, among others, toward Greece. The Plan, and its rhetoric of a two-way diaspora-Greece relationship, provides an opportune moment for the diaspora this time to ask the Greek state to balance this giving, and redirect resources in the service of the diaspora’s cultural vitality. This giving should not bind, as I will explain, those promoting the diasporic paradigm to conform to state (Helladic) narratives, compromising their self-determination.

Why should the state consent to this asking? It should, if it genuinely supports the future of diasporic Hellenisms. The state (and other powerful diasporic institutions sharing its reductive narrative) owes to accept and respect the “alterity” of the diasporas and their operation too as cultural centers of wide-ranging Hellenisms. In fact, it is presented with an opportunity to operate as an agent contributing to the making of a democratic diaspora public sphere.

The conversation about the Plan happens at a moment when the diaspora public spheres are either weak (particularly in Greek America where hegemonic narratives have relegated the diasporic paradigm at the margins) or are receding in scale. This, when diasporas in the United States, Australia and Canada are increasingly diversifying and individuals experience their identities privately, outside traditional institutions.

Given that the future of Hellenism is at stake, the question of the “next generation” inevitably enters the deliberations. We know very little about the second, third, and fourth generations, but some evidence suggests that the next generation seeks new identity narratives speaking to their own tastes, needs, styles, circumstances, and interests. It is noteworthy that the third generation exhibits a higher interest in the arts, humanities, and social science as professional careers than their second-generation peers who, prompted by the trying circumstances of their immigrant parents, opted for more lucrative and “stable” career paths.

I am taking a cue here from my Greek American students who crave for interesting narratives exploring bicultural identities, linkages with the historical homeland beyond idealized and touristic tropes, migrant psychology, differences between Greek Americans and Greeks in Greece; cross-cultural and interracial dating; cultural ambivalences among the second generation; food as heritage and culinary fusions; family and ethnic history; diasporic arts; and intergenerational connections, tensions, and conflicts.As a college student majoring in Art and Media studies put it, “I often think my art is a way to bridge my two cultures and countries. I have learned to record memory, eyes and heart and camera wide open.” (5)

Given the power of cultural expressions—music, song, storytelling, photography, dance, film, theater, journalism, scholarship—to engage human beings, the making of a culturally exciting public sphere which produces and widely disseminates compelling (innovative, experimental, syncretic) diaspora narratives in tune with our times and the audiences it addresses, presents itself as a vital frontier for the future of Hellenisms in the diasporas.

To reiterate this point, as an “effective negotiator” might do: the relationship between the diasporas and the Greek state has been shaped by immense unidirectional flows of monies––in the form of investments, philanthropy, gifts and donations, Greek studies summer study programs, diaspora tourism, remittances––from the diaspora to the homeland. It is only fair for the diasporas to ask for balancing this economic relationship, asking the state to reciprocate and function as a guardian of a democratic (that is inclusive) diaspora public sphere. This means allocating state funds toward the revitalization of this sphere for the reasons I explained above. An uncompromising demand would involve supporting also those who are interested in exploring and expressing the diasporic paradigm without fear of losing funding, being fired, or marginalized. In other, words, there should be no state clauses compromising a diaspora’s freedom of expression, its self-determination.

How to produce the new generation of highly qualified thinkers, artists, researchers, story tellers, journalists? To inspire and motivate the (bicultural and often cosmopolitan) next generation, there should be investment in superb educational structures; the availability of grants and other financial incentives to promising undergraduate and graduate students in the arts, the humanities and social sciences to also carry Greek and Greek diaspora topics in their careers in in the broader society––say being Australian journalists, but also contributing to Greek Australian media.

In other words, the Greek state would be contributing financially in the making of the next generation of musicians, authors, performers, storytellers, researchers, artists, filmmakers who will be enjoying freedom for artistic and academic self-determination to produce compelling narratives toward the narration about the diaspora’s ever-changing Hellenisms. Diasporas are dynamic, involving cultural becoming, they cannot possibly allow their stifling by static narratives.

If this diasporic agency does not work (perhaps it is bound not to work due to anticipated resistances?), then stakeholders who invest in the value of the diasporic paradigm may consider joining forces, forming alliances across geopolitical boundaries, and creating coalitions, to empower their presence in the public sphere. Such a stance will require considerable energy and resources given the complexity of the situation. But the stakes are exceedingly high to afford to miss the prospect of making a difference. A new center of cultural activism presents itself inviting engagement across the various diasporas and in the process transoceanic diaspora understanding.

Yiorgos Anagnostou  

Notes:

(1) See, • Καραμάρκος, Κώστας. 2024. «Το επικαιροποιημένο στρατηγικό σχέδιο του ΥΠΕΞ για τον Απόδημο Ελληνισμό». Εθνος, Αύγουστος 1.
https://www.ethnos.gr/.../toepikairopoihmenostrathgikosxe...
• Τριδήμα, Μαρία-Φιλιώ. 2024. «Στρατηγικό Σχέδιο του ΥΠΕΞ για τον Απόδημο Ελληνισμό: Μία ακόμη κριτική προσέγγιση». Αυγουστος 2. https://enainstitute.org/.../stratigiko-schedio-tou-ypex.../
• Karamarkos, Kostas. 2024. “A Critical Overview of the Updated Strategic Plan of Greece for its diaspora.” Neos Kosmos, August 12.

(2) Benson Rodney. 2009. “Shaping the Public Sphere: Habermas and Beyond.” American Sociology 40:175–97. DOI 10.1007/s12108-009-9071-4

(3) Anagnostou, Yiorgos. 2024. “What does “Diaspora” stand for, in the Strategic Plan for the Diaspora?” Immigrations, Ethnicities, Racial Situations. August 11. https://immigrations-ethnicities-racial.blogspot.com/...

(4) Anagnostou, Yiorgos. 2021. “A Paradigm Award, A Paradigm for Greek/American Cultural Policy.” Erγon: Greek/American Arts and Letters. August 3. https://ergon.scienzine.com/.../greek-american-cultural...

(5) Vassiliou, Zoe. 2021. “Exceptional Statement.” In 2021 Virtual Awards Gala: Beyond a Scholarship. Panhellenic Scholarship Foundation.